| On
a bright and clear afternoon on
May 1st 2003, the U.S.S Abraham
Lincoln cruised an hour's sailing
off-shore from San Diego,
California, with its 6,000 crew
members marshaled on its
four-and-a-half-acre deck. A Navy
S-3B Viking roared past, not
once, but twice, and then finally
circled around to land on the
carrier's flight deck, snagging
the wires that stopped the plane
and its participants from
tumbling into the cold Pacific
Ocean. The nominal co-pilot had
actually been prepared for just
that watery contingency -- in the
White House swimming pool, since
the Viking's precious cargo was
none other than President George
W. Bush. As the
plane snapped to a halt, the
assembled crew, and the peak time
cable TV viewers, could see that
"Navy 1" was emblazoned
on the body of the aircraft and
that just below the co-pilot's
cockpit window, assiduous Navy
sign painters had stenciled
"George W. Bush
Commander-in-Chief." In his
chic olive-colored flight suit,
combat booted, looking every inch
the warrior, with his doffed
helmet tucked under one arm, Bush
raised his other in salute to the
cheers of the sailors gathered
under a huge banner declaring
"Mission Accomplished."
The
Republican obsession with the
military has never been as deep
or more contrived than under
Bush, who has tried to exorcise
his somewhat ethereal military
career by appearing whenever he
can in front of made-to-order
audiences at military bases or
veterans' rallies. The phrase
"commander-in-chief" is
rarely off the president's lips,
especially when he speaks to the
military. Nor does he often miss
an opportunity to don some form
of uniform to further underline
his military title.
In
eighteen months, more than one in
three of his speeches and policy
pronouncements have been at
military bases and veterans'
gatherings. Not for him the
unscripted happenstance of Town
Hall meetings with voters or
un-choreographed press
conferences with inquisitive
reporters; he is much happier
surrounded by people in uniform,
snappily saluting and calling him
"Sir" and cheering
dutifully whenever he pauses.
President
Bush's 2003 May Day flight was an
outstanding, but by no means
isolated, example of Bush's
abuse-by-association of the
military. He had tried for a
double the day before, attempting
to conscript both God and the
military on his side by hosting
150 military chaplains for a
prayer breakfast in the White
House. Just as typical was his
staged ceremony on July 1 2003 at
the White House, where he
welcomed thirty reenlisting
service people. "Like many
thousands of other soldiers,
sailors, airmen, coastguardsmen
and marines who reenlist this
year, these men and women are
answering the highest call of
citizenship. ... As
commander-in-chief, I assure
them, we will stay on the
offensive against the
enemy."
Bush's
dress-up pattern was set long
ago, as far back as 1970. While
campaigning for his father
against Lloyd Bentsen, the future
President wore his National Guard
flight jacket, which is, of
course, an uncanny precursor to
that flight onto the deck of the
U.S.S Abraham Lincoln. Dressed in
military duds, he would then, as
now, attract approbation in a way
that a less sophisticated, less
well-connected, long-haired draft
evader would never do, which is
why it is a wardrobe choice he
now returns to often, from the
decks of a battleship to the
parade grounds of forts and camps
all over America.
A
random trawl of the newswires and
Defense Department White House
archives produces the same
dazzling pattern of military
camouflage. On August 14 2003,
the President was telling it to
the Marines, at Miramar Marine
base in California, "I am
proud to be the
commander-in-chief of such a
fabulous group of men and women
who wear our uniform." In
November, he was at it again,
issuing a proclamation of
National Employer Support of the
Guard and Reserve Week, "in
honor of employers across America
who have shown their support for
our National Guardsmen and
Reservists. ... These companies
have the gratitude of our nation,
they have the gratitude of the
commander-in-chief." Oh how
he loves that title.
His
speech on the first anniversary
of the beginning of the war in
Iraq was also before a
"conscripted" audience
at Fort Campbell in Kentucky.
There, 20,000 men and women of
the 101st Airborne paraded with
little handheld flags in their
hands and jumbo size banners
flying overhead, to provide a
backdrop to the President's
latest photo-op. For the
occasion, the president himself,
once again, wore a signature
military jacket with "George
W. Bush, commander-in chief"
over his heart.
Of
the many military bases, Fort
Hood is the president's favorite,
more so since it is conveniently
close to his dude ranch in
Crawford, Texas. It is also the
biggest base in the United
States, home to over 40,000
troops. Bush went there during
the lead-up to the war in January
2003 to gee up the soldiery in
the huge camp, while
appropriating the title he loves
so much. "Wherever you may
be sent, you can know that
America is grateful, and your
commander-in-chief is confident
in your abilities and proud of
your service," he told them.
The
Department of Defense's web site
says the speech produced
"more than twenty
Hoorahs" for the President,
who wore a fetching olive green
windcheater emblazoned with the
Presidential seal and "Bush,
U.S. Army" across his chest.
In a way, he looked like
Paddington Bear, who also had to
be labeled in case he was lost,
not least since the
commander-in-chief blended so
well with the ranks of military
personnel dutifully lined up
behind him.
Bush
was back that April, greeting
returning prisoners of war and
attending Easter Services in the
Church there. That meant he
missed the Easter Egg Roll at the
White House, which was equally
military in spirit. "The
youngsters in attendance were
children of military families,
including the sons and daughters
of U.S. troops fighting in
Iraq" said the GOP news
service. At the Fort Hood Easter
Services, the
"commander-in-chief"
met with two recently returned
POWs from Iraq, and threw an arm
around the shoulder of one of
them, Senior Warrant Officer
David S. Williams.
There
were not as many waiting to greet
him at Easter 2003 as on his New
Year visit: By then half the
40,000 troops normally housed at
the base were in Iraq missing
their Easter eggs. When the
Washington Post checked into the
neighborhood early in 2004,
thirty-five of them were never
coming back -- all but one of
them killed after the President
had made his "formalization
that tells everybody we're not
engaged in combat anymore,"
the previous May.
Unctuously,
in the face of such casualties,
the first lady returned to Fort
Hood on March 8, 2004, and told a
group of military wives that she
knows what it's like "having
your life turned upside-down
because the man you love wants to
serve the country he loves."
At least she did not wear combat
fatigues for the occasion.
Since
he has persuaded the majority of
Americans, if not the citizens of
any other country in the world,
that Saddam Hussein was
responsible for the attacks on
the World Trade Center, perhaps
we should not be surprised at
George W. Bush's success in
passing himself off as a veteran
with so many Americans, including
many who are actually
combat-seasoned veterans
themselves.
Apart
from the obvious political
benefits of "passing,"
there are deeply personal reasons
why George Bush has wrapped
himself in quasi-uniform, which
he wears with the same grin of a
six-year-old presented with a
cowboy suit for Christmas.
From
one way of looking at it, all
over the world, men and women are
now dying and being maimed
because George W. Bush had lived
through "the war of his
generation," without hearing
a shot fired in anger.
"Little Googen," as his
indulgent parents called him, has
been trying to emulate his
genuinely heroic father --
without actually risking his
life. Bush's Freudian
self-delusion is apparent in Bob
Woodward's friendly account,
"Bush at War." In the
days after September 11, Bush
tells Rove, "just like my
father's generation was called in
World War II, now our generation
is being called ... I'm here for
a reason."
Bush
the Elder, however, was a genuine
war hero who left school at 18
and used his family connections
to become the youngest pilot in
the Navy. But when the government
was drafting his contemporaries
and sending them to Vietnam, his
son joined the Air National Guard
in Texas, and ticked the box
saying "no" to overseas
service: a choice denied most of
his contemporaries then, who did
not have the Ivy League
connections to enter such units.
(More importantly, such choices
are denied now to the National
Guardsmen who were not only
called up for service in Iraq,
but have found their terms
extended while they were out in
the desert.)
Bush
the Younger is very much the
product of his family's move from
Yale to Texas after his WWII
service. In the East, you were
rich because of family but with a
concomitant sense of noblesse
oblige. In the South, you were
rich because God loved you,
personally. The resulting
combination seems to have
stripped out any of old money's
sense of obligation in favor of a
doubled meme for a sense of
entitlement, allowing him to
enjoy the benefits of playing
soldier without taking any of the
risks involved in actually being
one. It makes for a draft-dodging
president who once told Woodward,
"I'm the commander -- see, I
don't need to explain -- I do not
need to explain why I say
things."
This
breathtaking arrogance
exemplifies essential qualities
that define George W. Bush: the
sense of privilege for being born
rich; the sense of exaltation
that God has chosen him to be
rich; and the sexual thrill of
being commander-in-chief. To get
the same combination of
lightweight intellect and
ruthless appreciation of power,
we have to return, as so often in
this administration, to Lewis
Carroll, who seems to have
anticipated our current
president' philosophy in Humpty
Dumpty: "The question is,
which is to be master -- that's
all."
Ian
Williams writes on the United
Nations for Alternet. His work
has appeared in Foreign Policy in
Focus, The Nation, and Salon.
|